Amor en la Biblioteca (Spanish Edition)

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Poppi, la niña del gorro rojo y la biblioteca del árbol / Red Knit Cap Girl and the Reading Tree

At this point the troops, whose expectations had been aroused and now looked like being dashed, came out with what seemed to be a spontaneous demand that the expedition should continue. It was in pursuance of this simple but time-honored political philosophy that the remarkable events of June and July, , were enacted. As a municipality, they then proceeded to appoint the usual municipal officials, the alcaldes and regidores.

But what seemed plausible enough in Mexico was bound to seem highly implausible in Cuba and at the Spanish Court. Everything now depended on the successful presentation of his case at Court, where the Fonseca group would certainly do all in its power to destroy him. They took with them, too, such documentation as was needed to justify their cause. The most important document carried to Spain by Puertocarrero and Montejo was the letter from the new municipality of Vera Cruz, addressed to Charles and Juana. Having offered this tendentious explanation of the founding of Vera Cruz, the letter then dwelt at some length on the alleged riches of the country and on the abominable customs of its inhabitants.

The danger was acute, and the blow could fall at any time, perhaps even from within Mexico itself. The friends of the governor of Cuba appear to have been plotting to send him warning of the mission of Montejo and Puertocarrero, so that he could intercept their ship. He must also cut the physical links. This was probably the major consideration in his famous decision to scuttle or beach his ships, although their destruction would have the added advantage of enabling him to add their crews to his tiny army.

Once the ships were destroyed, all contact with Cuba was broken. A garrison was left at Vera Cruz under the command of Juan de Escalante, and the army began its march from Cempoal into the interior on August 16, knowing that it had openly defied the governor of Cuba and that there could be no turning back. But he was a good deal less safe in the rear than he had anticipated. Montejo and Puertocarrero had received strict instructions to avoid Cuba and make straight for Spain, but Montejo had other ideas.

Needing provisions—or perhaps prudently hedging his bets—he chose to put in on the west of the island to make a brief visit to his estate. He arrived on August 23, left letters for a friend, and, on his last night, displayed the Mexican treasures to his major-domo before sailing again on the twenty-sixth. But their pilot, Alaminos, took the ship by a new route through the Bahamas Straits, and Montejo and Puertocarrero made their escape into the Atlantic and thence to Seville. News of these preparations greatly alarmed the judges of the highest tribunal in the Indies, the Audiencia of Santo Domingo.

Conflicts among rival bands of conquistadors were all too common an occurrence, and the Audiencia was anxious to prevent still more shedding of blood.

But in the Spanish monarchy of the sixteenth century a military solution could never be final. Legality was paramount, and the key to legality lay with the king. Everything therefore turned on the success of Montejo and Puertocarrero in Spain.

They duly reached Seville at the beginning of November, , only to find their country on the verge of revolt. Charles had been elected Holy Roman Emperor on June When the procuradores arrived in Seville, the emperor was still in Barcelona, heavily preoccupied with plans for his departure; and the Castilian cities were beginning to voice their dissatisfaction at the prospect of heavy new fiscal demands and an absentee king.

They reached Barcelona near the end of January, , only to find that the emperor had already left for Burgos. From Barcelona they moved across Spain in the tracks of the emperor, finally catching up with him at Tordesillas, near Valladolid, early in March. The precious gold objects and the delicate featherwork had created a sensation in Seville, and such treasures could hardly be left indefinitely impounded in the hands of the officials of the House of Trade. This at least was an encouraging start, and the procuradores gained another victory when a royal decree, dated May 10, , ordered the officials in Seville to return their confiscated funds.

Their gold, too, would now come into its own. But there was still a very long way to go, and the political climate was menacing.

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Castile was now in open revolt. Fonseca remained a highly influential figure, and his brother was the royalist army commander. Both in the Indies and in Castile, the emperor was faced with treason and revolt. During the course of the same night, the noche triste , the Spaniards made their famous retreat from Tenochtitlan. This letter, like its predecessor from Vera Cruz, is both more and less than a straightforward narrative of events, for it, too, has an essentially political purpose.

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In the first place, he still did not know what decision, if any, had been reached in Spain on his plea for retrospective authorization of his unconventional proceedings. Finally, he had won a new empire for Charles and had proceeded to lose it. Some passages in his two speeches contain so many Christian overtones as to be unbelievable coming from a pagan Aztec.

It is clear that this entire letter was superbly designed to appeal directly to Charles over the heads of Fonseca and his friends in the Council of the Indies and the imperial entourage. But Fonseca was still far from ready to admit defeat. To defy Tapia, who had come to New Spain as the legally appointed representative of the royal authority, would be the height of imprudence, and yet to surrender the empire into his hands would be intolerable. Carefully avoiding a personal meeting with Tapia, who would at once have presented him with a royal warrant, he sent a Franciscan, Fray Pedro de Melgarejo, to greet Tapia, and no doubt to pass him an appropriate bribe.

The representatives of the various municipalities of New Spain, usefully reinforced for the occasion by the rapid founding of the new town of Medellin, met Tapia at Cempoal on December 24, , and went through the time-honored Castilian procedure followed by those who were prepared to obey but not to comply. With honor thus satisfied on both sides, Tapia took the next ship back to Hispaniola, a wiser, and no doubt a richer, man.

This could only be explained, he concluded, by the machinations of his enemies, who were concealing the truth from the emperor.


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Nor could there any longer be real doubt that the chief among these enemies was Fonseca, the bishop of Burgos. It was Fonseca who had been responsible for the unwelcome intervention of Tapia. In Garay, the governor of Jamaica, obtained from Fonseca a warrant authorizing him to conquer and colonize the Panuco region, to the north of Vera Cruz. He landed at Panuco in July, , with an army of four hundred infantry and cavalry. It was this challenge which he described in the opening pages of his Fourth Letter of October 15, , where for the first time Fonseca is mentioned by name.

This year, which saw the defeat of the Comuneros, saw also the siege and capture of Tenochtitlan. His agents were lobbying hard in the regency council of Adrian of Utrecht, and duly convinced the regent that the bishop of Burgos had done the emperor an ill service in persistently supporting the governor of Cuba.

The original strategy, so tenaciously pursued, of appealing directly to the sovereign over the heads of his officials, had yielded its expected dividend. When Garay landed in July, , it had not yet come, but it arrived in September, just in time to give a decisive turn to events. Copies of the decrees were also dispatched to Garay, who saw that he was beaten and gave up without a fight. It was a game whose ground rules he had studied closely, and which he had fought with every weapon at his command. Events in Mexico itself were crucial, because success in Mexico was the prerequisite for success at Court.

He achieved what he intended to achieve; and yet, in the end, his very success proved his own undoing. His acutely sensitive political antennae, which had told him that he must win at Court if he were to win at all, failed him at the very moment of success. It was the policy of the Castilian Crown, firmly laid down in the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, that no subject should be permitted to grow overmighty, and that acts of insubordination should be promptly punished without fear or favor.

El manuscrito 23/4/1 de la Biblioteca de don Bartolomé March

The intuitive political genius outmaneuvered and outclassed the bureaucratic mind. But each in his way secured a posthumous revenge. The irony of the situation rubbed salt in the wound. Francisco de las Casas was sent to bargain with Olid, who promptly took him into custody. The Honduras expedition, which provides the theme of the Fifth Letter, was an extraordinary saga of heroism and suffering. But it is just as likely that the unwelcome presence of royal officials also played a significant part. Already by the autumn of he was beginning to feel hemmed in, and the decision to leave for Honduras may well have been prompted by an impulsive desire to escape into a world where he could again enjoy the delights of supreme command.

No one else in New Spain enjoyed even a shadow of his personal authority, and his departure was the signal for anarchy. As soon as his back was turned, his enemies came out into the open, and the old faction feuds reasserted themselves in a vicious quarrel over the spoils of conquest. There was virtual civil war in Mexico in , and Paz was captured, tortured and killed. But the triumph of was ephemeral. The violent faction feuds in New Spain merely confirmed the determination of the Council of the Indies to bring it under the effective control of the Crown.

He left Mexico for Spain in March, , and was duly accorded a magnificent reception at Court.


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  • But he did not reappoint him to the governorship of New Spain. In he retired to Spain, where he lived out the remaining seven years of his life, a disappointed and disillusioned man. He had played the game according to the rules, but these had been laid down by the Spanish Crown. Publicaciones de la Sociedad de Estudios Cortesianos No. I, Mexico, Below, p. In addition to these works, I have also made use of the following: Robert S. Siglos VI-V a. VI-V a. Fragmentos y referencias siglos VI-V a.

    Siglo IV a. Jenofonte de Atenas c. Siglo II a. Siglo I a. Cayo Salustio Crispo a. Cornelio Nepote c.